Go to Table of Contents.
List of Tables
List of Illustrations
Introduction
Research Objectives and Methods
Architecture and Site Layout
Chronology
Population Estimates
Artifacts
Faunal Remains
Archaeobotanical Remains
Human Skeletal Remains
Water Control and Subsistence
Abandonment and Emigration
Appendix A
Bibliography

Artifacts

by Scott G. Ortman

Introduction

1
This report synthesizes information on portable artifacts collected during excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo. It also compares artifacts from Woods Canyon Pueblo with those from other Mesa Verde-tradition sites dating from the Pueblo III period in southwestern Colorado. The tables and charts in this report were produced using the artifact databases as they existed in August 2000. I am not aware of any provenience changes that have been made since that time, but slight discrepancies between the data discussed in this report and those contained in the database may develop over time if errors in the database are found and corrected. However, it is likely that any such changes will be minor and will not affect any of the conclusions presented in this report.

Processing of Artifacts in the Laboratory

2
All objects collected during the excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo were processed according to Crow Canyon's standard laboratory procedures, which are described in Crow Canyon's on-line laboratory manual.

Definitions of Analytic Categories

3
All objects were classified into various stone, bone, pottery, vegetal, and other categories, as defined in the Crow Canyon laboratory manual.

Disposition of Materials

Curation

4
With the exception of wood samples submitted for tree-ring dating, all artifacts, ecofacts, and other samples from Woods Canyon Pueblo, as well as original field and laboratory documentation, are curated at the Anasazi Heritage Center, 27501 Hwy. 184, Dolores, Colorado, USA. The collections are indexed to artifact databases, which are curated at both Crow Canyon and the Heritage Center and are accessible on-line in The Woods Canyon Pueblo Database and the research database; materials are available for future study through the Heritage Center. Dated tree-ring samples and additional samples that might be datable in the future are stored at the Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA. Several large roof timbers were found on the modern ground surface when Woods Canyon Pueblo was mapped (see Lipe 1995*2). A portion of each timber was submitted to the tree-ring lab, and the remaining portions are currently stored at Crow Canyon.

Repatriation

5
As of this writing, isolated, fragmentary human skeletal remains inadvertently collected during field screening of sediments at Woods Canyon Pueblo are in the process of being repatriated in accordance with protocol set forth in the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). The Anasazi Heritage Center is curating these remains during the repatriation process. Objects falling under the jurisdiction of NAGPRA are not currently available for study, and their future disposition has not yet been decided. All human bone and associated funerary objects recognized in the course of excavation were treated in accordance with the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center's policy on human remains in the on-line field manual. Bradley describes and interprets these materials in "Human Skeletal Remains."

Destructive Analysis

6
A number of artifacts were subjected to destructive analysis. Small portions of numerous rim sherds from white ware bowls and corrugated gray jars were removed to facilitate temper identification. In addition, the Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research discarded tree-ring samples that possessed little dating potential.

Additional Studies of Woods Canyon Pueblo Artifacts

7
In addition to the analyses reported here, several other studies of artifacts from Woods Canyon Pueblo have been conducted or are in progress. Ortman (2000*1) studied painted designs on white ware pottery from Woods Canyon Pueblo and numerous other Pueblo II and III sites in the Mesa Verde region. Basic pottery and floor-assemblage data are presented in a study of the occupational history of the pueblo by Ortman et al. (2000*1). White ware temper data generated for Woods Canyon and several other sites in southwestern Colorado are provided in the Castle Rock Pueblo artifacts report (Ortman 2000*2). Kelley (1996*1) presents pottery type and attribute data from a 1993 in-field analysis of sherds found on the modern ground surface of the site, and Wilshusen et al. (1997*1) present basic pottery data for the ancient reservoir (Site 5MT12086) located adjacent to Woods Canyon Pueblo.

Organization and Use of This Report

8
This report is organized into sections and subsections, a list of which can be accessed by selecting the expanded table of contents. Selecting a heading in the table of contents will allow you to go directly to the section of interest without having to scroll through the entire chapter. When you link to a table, figure, or reference in the text, a new browser window will open to display the selected information. You can move back and forth between the chapter text and the data window by keeping both windows open, overlapping them (that is, not viewing them full screen) and selecting one or the other window. The data window will be updated each time a link for a table, figure, or reference is selected in the narrative text window; the text window will maintain your place in the longer document. Choosing a database map gives you access to the Woods Canyon Pueblo map database. In many subsections, information about archaeological context is taken from field observations recorded in The Woods Canyon Pueblo Database, along with analysis information for selected artifacts. Explanations of field context information can be found in the on-line field manual.

Definition of Site Components

9
In "Chronology" (this report), Churchill and Ortman group the units excavated at Woods Canyon Pueblo into seven areas (Areas 1–7) within four sections of the village (upper west side, canyon bottom, east talus slope, and canyon rim) (see "Architecture and Site Layout" and Database Maps 329 and Database Map 334). These same groupings and labels are used in this report, along with two temporal components defined to aid examination of change through time in artifact assemblages. The assignment of study units to site areas, site sections, and temporal components is given in Table 1.

10
The assignment of site areas to temporal components is based primarily on tree-ring data, the architectural style and abandonment mode of kivas, and pottery data. Table 2 summarizes these data for the seven tested areas at Woods Canyon Pueblo. These data are discussed in greater detail by Churchill and Ortman in "Chronology" (this report). The most-recent tree-ring date from each area provides a maximum possible age for the structure from which the dated timber was recovered, with the exception of the date for Area 1, which was yielded by a piece of charcoal found in a midden deposit. These dates indicate that buildings were constructed in Areas 5 and 7 during the late Pueblo III period (A.D. 1225–1280) and that there was activity in Areas 1 and 4 throughout the entire period (A.D. 1140–1280).

11
Details of kiva architectural styles, roof treatment at abandonment, and floor assemblages suggest that the canyon bottom was built, occupied, and abandoned earlier than other sections of the site. Several chronological trends are apparent in these data. First, the partly earthen walled and partly masonry lined kivas in Area 1 likely date from before A.D. 1200, whereas the kivas completely lined with stone masonry in Areas 3, 5, 6, and 7 were probably constructed after A.D. 1200. Second, the tested kivas with unburned, salvaged roofs in Areas 1 and 2 were likely built before A.D. 1250, whereas the kivas with burned and salvaged roofs in Areas 3, 4, 5, and 6 were likely built after A.D. 1250. Third, the sparse artifact assemblages on the floors of tested kivas in Areas 1 and 2 suggest that inhabitants of these structures moved to new homes nearby, whereas the large floor assemblages left on the floors of kivas in Areas 3, 4, 5, and 7 suggest that people abandoned these structures during the final regional emigrations of the late A.D. 1200s. Churchill and Ortman (in "Chronology") discuss these various lines of evidence in more detail and develop middle-range arguments that link architectural styles and abandonment modes to specific time periods.

12
The pottery assemblage from Woods Canyon Pueblo suggests that the site was occupied throughout the Pueblo III period and that the focus of the settlement changed over time. We can examine the pottery chronology of Woods Canyon Pueblo by comparing the proportions, by weight, of white ware sherds assigned to various formal types (as opposed to informal or grouped types, after Wilson and Blinman [1995*1:35]) from each tested area of the pueblo with the expected pottery-assemblage profiles for sites that date to specific time periods. These idealized pottery-assemblage profiles have been developed by Wilson and Blinman (1999*1) using tree-ring-dated assemblages from small sites with short occupation spans. In their model, early Pueblo III assemblages (A.D. 1140–1180) are dominated by McElmo Black-on-white to the near exclusion of Mancos Black-on-white; middle Pueblo III assemblages (A.D. 1180–1225) contain equal amounts of McElmo and Mesa Verde black-on-white; and late Pueblo III assemblages (A.D. 1225–1280) contain more Mesa Verde Black-on-white than McElmo Black-on-white.

13
Given these idealized assemblage profiles, the data in Table 2 indicate that there is more Mancos Black-on-white in all areas of Woods Canyon Pueblo than would be expected for a Pueblo III–period occupation. Nevertheless, I believe that the proportion of white ware sherds classified as Mancos Black-on-white in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage is not sufficient to indicate occupation during the Pueblo II period. This conclusion is supported by two lines of evidence.

14
First, I suspect that analysts were biased toward assigning sherds with mineral-paint designs to Pueblo II pottery types. Mineral paint is so rare in pottery assemblages from Pueblo III sites in the Sand Canyon locality that analysts during the Sand Canyon Archaeological Project tended to take the mere presence of mineral paint as evidence that a sherd dated to the Pueblo II period. Application of this same principle to the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage, where mineral paint is much more common, would have resulted in an inflated percentage of Pueblo II types. Reanalysis of a sample of white ware bowl rims from Woods Canyon (see paragraphs 41–43) suggests that approximately half the sherds classified as Mancos Black-on-white in the database would probably be reclassified as Pueblo III types if they were analyzed today, with the benefit of experience. It is also important that the frequency of mineral-painted sherds varies randomly among the seven tested areas of the pueblo and does not correlate with other lines of evidence used to assess the occupational histories of these areas. All of this suggests that mineral paint is not an effective chronological indicator in the Woods Canyon area, and that our original pottery analysis may have slightly overestimated the proportion of Mancos Black-on-white by mistakenly considering mineral paint as a chronologically sensitive attribute.

15
Second, recent research using tree-ring-dated pottery collections indicates that Mancos Black-on-white sherds are more common in early Pueblo III (A.D. 1140–1180) assemblages than has previously been believed. Tree-ring-dated pottery assemblages from Indian Camp Ranch (Morris et al. 1993*1) and the Sand Canyon Project Site Testing Program (Varien 1999*2) were not available when Wilson and Blinman (1999*1) formulated idealized pottery-assemblage profiles for sites dating to specific time periods (see "Chronology"). Over the past few years, bowl rim sherds from these and numerous other tree-ring-dated sites, including Woods Canyon Pueblo, have been reanalyzed as part of a regional pottery design study (Ortman 2000*1). Some results of this work are presented in Table 3, which gives percentages of white ware pottery types by weight, the total weight of pottery classified, and the latest tree-ring date for each analyzed component, along with the date range to which each was assigned. The same group of analysts classified the pottery from every site in this calibration dataset. In Table 3, the grouped type "Pueblo II White Painted" was used for sherds that were either Cortez or Mancos black-on-white; "Late White Painted" was used primarily for sherds that were either Mancos or McElmo black-on-white; and "Pueblo III White Painted" was used for sherds that were either McElmo or Mesa Verde black-on-white.

16
The two early Pueblo III (A.D. 1140–1180) components in Table 3 are from Kenzie Dawn Hamlet (Varien 1999*2) and the Seed Jar site (Jerry Fetterman, personal communication 1999), both of which are associated with noncutting dates in the A.D. 1140s. Thus, the typological profile for A.D. 1140–1180 in this calibration dataset probably characterizes the early years of this interval. It is also important to note that only one site in this dataset, Knobby Knee Stockade (Wilson 1991*1), dates between A.D. 1180 and 1210, and sample sizes are relatively small for all three sites dating between A.D. 1140 and 1210. Nevertheless, it is apparent in Table 3 that numerous Mancos Black-on-white sherds were deposited at sites occupied during the mid–A.D. 1100s. It is also apparent that the frequency of Mancos Black-on-white dropped rapidly during the late A.D. 1100s but continued to occur in low frequencies throughout the A.D. 1200s. These results indicate that Wilson and Blinman's (1999*1) idealized assemblage profiles should be adjusted to reflect the continued abundance of Mancos Black-on-white in early Pueblo III assemblages.

17
Table 4 condenses the calibration dataset in Table 3 by time period and compares the result with the reanalyzed sample of white ware bowl rims from the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo. In this context, the small percentage of Mancos Black-on-white pottery in these components seems typical and does not support the existence of a late Pueblo II occupation at the site. The proportions of other types in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblages suggest that occupation of the site was of a longer duration than that of most sites in the calibration dataset, leading to assemblage profiles that blend the characteristics of several phases. The profile for the early Pueblo III component appears to blend characteristics of the A.D. 1180–1210 and A.D. 1210–1230 periods, consistent with an occupation dating from the late A.D. 1100s and early A.D. 1200s; and the profile for the late Pueblo III component appears to blend characteristics of the A.D. 1210–1230 and A.D. 1230–1260 periods, consistent with a mid–A.D. 1200s occupation.

18
Why does Mesa Verde Black-on-white not dominate the reanalyzed sample from the late Pueblo III component, despite evidence of late A.D. 1200s occupation in the form of tree-ring-dated structures, burned and salvaged roofs, and large floor assemblages? It may be the result of sampling error, a dwindling site population during the final years of occupation, or an intensive occupation throughout the A.D. 1200s, with the tree-ring-dated structures having been built relatively late in the history of the site. The small pottery assemblage from the canyon rim (Area 7 in Table 2), the area from which most of the late tree-ring dates were obtained, is indeed dominated by Mesa Verde Black-on-white, similar to the assemblages associated with the A.D. 1260–1280 occupation spans in the calibration dataset (Table 3). This suggests a relatively short, late use of the rim complex. Additional excavations and accumulations research (see Varien 1999*1) may be necessary to determine the occupation spans of Areas 3–6 in the A.D. 1200s. Nevertheless, the presence of more McElmo Black-on-white in these areas suggests that they were occupied earlier and longer than the canyon rim.

19
If we return now to the pottery data in Table 2, keeping the earlier discussion regarding Mancos Black-on-white in mind, the predominance of McElmo Black-on-white in Areas 1–3 suggests that these areas date from sometime during the early and middle Pueblo III periods (A.D. 1140–1225). Areas 4, 5, and 7 appear to date from the late Pueblo III period (A.D. 1225–1280), on the basis of the predominance of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. Although Area 6 does contain a high proportion of Mancos Black-on-white pottery, most of the total weight of this type in this area is from a single carbon-painted jar sherd weighing 94.7 grams. It is therefore likely that occupation of this area also dates from A.D. 1225 to 1280.

20
Finally, pottery-attribute data suggest that Areas 1 and 2 in the canyon bottom fell out of use during the final decades of occupation, but that tested areas in other sections of the site continued to be occupied into the late 1200s. In the Sand Canyon locality, exterior band designs were painted on 15 percent of bowls dating from the late A.D. 1200s, but were rarely painted on bowls dating from the early A.D. 1200s. The proportion of bowls from Areas 3 through 7 that exhibit this attribute suggests that these sections of the site were occupied during the late 1200s. In contrast, the proportion of bowls from Areas 1 and 2 exhibiting this attribute is far too low to suggest that it was occupied during this same period (see Table 23, this report, and Ortman et al. 2000*1:Table 2). These data thus suggest that the canyon bottom fell out of use during the mid-1200s, whereas other sections of the village continued to be occupied up until the time of the final Puebloan migrations from the Mesa Verde region.

21
To summarize, then, all lines of evidence from Areas 1 and 2 point to an early and middle Pueblo III occupation that probably dates from the mid-1100s to the early 1200s, and the evidence from Areas 4, 5, and 7 suggests a late Pueblo III occupation for these areas that probably dates from the mid- and late 1200s. The evidence from Areas 3 and 6 is mixed. The location of Area 3 (on the talus slope), as well as the roof-treatment and floor-assemblage data for this part of the site, supports the assignment of a late Pueblo III date, whereas the pottery data support a somewhat earlier date. In Area 6, location (at the base of the cliff), kiva architecture, roof treatment, and the small pottery sample generally support a late Pueblo III date, but the floor-assemblage data suggest an earlier date of abandonment. Although the preponderance of evidence supports assignment of Areas 3 and 6 to the late Pueblo III component, the evidence is less conclusive for these areas than it is for other parts of the village. Throughout this report, artifacts from the early and middle Pueblo III occupation will be referred to as the "early" Pueblo III component, and artifacts from the late Pueblo III occupation will be referred to as the "late" Pueblo III component. In the remainder of this report it will be assumed that the occupations of all areas assigned to each component were at least partly contemporaneous.

22
Identification of early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo is significant for two reasons. First, the ability to compare early and late Pueblo III assemblages from the same location enables the analyst to hold the physical environment constant—especially the raw materials used in pottery and stone-tool production—when attempting to identify changes in artifact production, use, and discard during the final century of Pueblo occupation in the northern San Juan region. In this way, "push" factors (after Lipe 1995*1) related to the regional emigrations might be brought into sharper focus.

23
Second, it appears that the role of Woods Canyon Pueblo in the local settlement system changed between the early and late occupations. During the early Pueblo III occupation, the center of the Woods Canyon community was probably at the Bass Site Complex (Site 5MT136), Site 5MT4700, or the Albert Porter Preserve (Site 5MT123), all three of which are located on the uplands within a 2-km radius of Woods Canyon Pueblo (Database Map 337) (Lipe and Ortman 2000*1). During the late Pueblo III occupation, however, Woods Canyon Pueblo became the largest settlement in the Woods Canyon area, and an enclosed plaza and D-shaped building were constructed in the rim complex (in Area 7). This suggests that the site developed into the center of the local community during the final decades of Puebloan occupation in the Mesa Verde region (see Lipe et al. 1999*1; Lipe and Ortman 2000*1; Varien 1999*1; Varien et al. 1996*1). Thus, comparison of the early and late Pueblo III components may clarify how activities in the community center differed from those that occurred in other settlements. These topics will be addressed throughout this report by comparing the two components defined in Table 2.

Components from Other Sites Used for Comparative Purposes

24
In addition to the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo, two additional late Pueblo III components are used in this report for comparative purposes. The first is Castle Rock Pueblo (Site 5MT1825), a medium-size village located in lower Sand Canyon adjacent to McElmo Creek, approximately 15 km south-southeast of Woods Canyon Pueblo. Results of excavations at this site are reported by Kuckelman (2000*1) and indicate that the village was constructed and occupied during the A.D. 1250–1280 period.

25
The second component is the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo (Site 5MT5), a portion of a very large village located at the head of Yellow Jacket Canyon and Tatum Draw, approximately 15 km east-northeast of Woods Canyon Pueblo. The final report on test excavations at Yellow Jacket Pueblo has not yet been completed, but enough is known to conclude that the great tower complex was also occupied during the late Pueblo III period (Ortman et al. 2000*1). The great tower complex is associated with a noncutting tree-ring date of A.D. 1254 and has a lower proportion of McElmo Black-on-white sherds in its pottery assemblage than does the late Pueblo III component at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Thus, even though the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket is partly contemporaneous with the late Pueblo III component at Woods Canyon, it probably reflects a very late and short-lived occupation. In contrast, the late Pueblo III component at Woods Canyon Pueblo appears to represent an occupation of longer duration, probably from A.D. 1225 to 1280.

Pottery

Unmodified Sherds

26
More than 22,000 pottery sherds, weighing a total of more than 140 kg, were collected during excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo. All were analyzed according to Crow Canyon's standard analysis procedures, which are described in the on-line laboratory manual. All but a handful of the recovered sherds were identified as locally made, Mesa Verde–tradition white and gray wares. The following paragraphs present several summaries of the basic sherd data.

Total Inventory by Ware and Type

27
The sherds collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo are tabulated in Table 5 according to pottery type (for type definitions, see the laboratory manual). The list of pottery types is arranged according to general ware categories. Unknown white and gray ware sherds are listed separately because such sherds may or may not represent local wares. Results are given by count and the percentage by count of each pottery type for the early and late Pueblo III components; percentages are not given for sherds that were not assigned to temporal component. Table 6 presents these same data using weight as the measure of abundance.

28
Pierce and Varien (1999*1) discuss the relative merits of counts vs. weights as measures of abundance. Comparison of Table 5 and Table 6 shows that percentages of various pottery types can vary depending on whether counts or weights are used. This effect is especially clear for the specific formal white ware types—that is, Mesa Verde, McElmo, and Mancos black-on-white—which are much more abundant by weight than by count. In contrast, the relative abundance of Pueblo III White Painted, which is a more general type used for sherds that do not exhibit diagnostic attributes of either McElmo or Mesa Verde black-on-white, is approximately equal by count and weight. Consistency in the relative frequency of a type for both count and weight probably indicates that sherds assigned to that type tend to be of average size for the collection overall. Greater relative frequency by count indicates that sherds assigned to that type are smaller than average, whereas greater frequency by weight indicates that sherds assigned to that type are larger than average. It is expected that sherds assigned to formal types will be larger than average because the classification of local white ware sherds to formal type relies heavily on the identification of specific painted designs, which are often difficult to recognize on small sherds.

29
The relative frequency of formal white ware types in the early and late components at Woods Canyon Pueblo generally supports the dating arguments presented in the definition of site components (paragraphs 9–23); however, the chronological pattern is more apparent by weight than by count. In the early Pueblo III component, McElmo Black-on-white is the most common white ware type, but there is also a significant percentage of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. This assemblage profile is consistent with an occupation dating between A.D. 1140 and 1225. In the late Pueblo III component, Mesa Verde Black-on-white is most common, followed by McElmo Black-on-white. This assemblage profile is consistent with an occupation dating between A.D. 1225 and 1280. Possible explanations for the Mancos Black-on-white sherds identified in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblages are presented in the discussion of site components (paragraphs 9–23). To these arguments I would add that less than 2 percent of the sherds found at Woods Canyon Pueblo were identified as definite Pueblo II types. In contrast, more than 15 percent of all sherds were identified as definite Pueblo III types.

30
The distribution of corrugated gray ware types in the early and late components is more problematic. The frequency of Mesa Verde Corrugated does increase over time, but so does the frequency of Mancos Corrugated. Because rim sherds are required for identification of both types, I discuss this pattern further in the analysis of corrugated jar rims, below (paragraphs 53–62).

31
The presence of a few sherds assigned to early (Basketmaker III and Pueblo I) types—including Chapin Gray, Chapin Black-on-white, Moccasin Gray, Mancos Gray, Indeterminate Neckbanded Gray, Early White Painted, and Early White Unpainted—suggests some form of human activity in the site area between A.D. 600 and 900. Such sherds are so rare, however, that they are unlikely to reflect occupation during this period.

White Ware Sherds by Type and Finish1

32
Two kinds of paint are identifiable on decorated Mesa Verde White Ware pottery. Mineral paint derives from ground iron, manganese, or copper-rich rock that is held in liquid suspension. Carbon paint is believed to derive from the condensed extract of certain plants, such as Rocky Mountain beeweed (Cleome serrulata) and tansymustard (Descurainia richardsonii).

33
Table 7 presents counts and Table 8 shows weights in grams of painted white ware sherds assigned to various type and finish categories for the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Both tables also display the percentage of sherds assigned to each type that have mineral paint and the percentage of each type among all white wares, regardless of paint type. Both Tables 7 and 8 show that approximately one in five white ware sherds in the Woods Canyon assemblage was decorated with mineral paint and that there was little change in the frequency of mineral paint over time.

34
This pattern contrasts greatly with data from the Sand Canyon locality, where mineral paint is rare in assemblages dating after A.D. 1150 (Varien et al. 1992*1:Table 5.3). To illustrate, less than 1 percent of white ware sherds had mineral-painted designs at Castle Rock Pueblo (Site 5MT1825), a late Pueblo III (A.D. 1225–1280) village located approximately 15 km south-southeast of Woods Canyon (Ortman 2000*2:Table 3). However, approximately 65 percent of white ware sherds had mineral-painted designs at Knobby Knee Stockade (Site 5MT2525) and Roundtree Pueblo (Site 5MT2544), two middle Pueblo III (A.D. 1180–1225) unit pueblos located approximately 10 km northwest of Woods Canyon (Wilson 1988*2:Table A.19). These data suggest a spatial trend in the use of mineral paint during the Pueblo III period, with carbon paint dominating in sites southeast of Woods Canyon, toward Ute Mountain and Mesa Verde proper, and the use of mineral paint continuing in sites to the northwest, toward the Abajo Mountains in southeast Utah, well into the A.D. 1200s. Whether mineral-painted white ware vessels were made by the inhabitants of Woods Canyon Pueblo or were obtained through exchange is unknown. The only possible direct evidence of mineral paint use at Woods Canyon was a red "pigment" stone (PD 472, FS 10) recovered from early Pueblo III deposits in Structure 1-S (Table 44). The possibility that this stone could have been used to make mineral paint is untested.

Total Inventory by Ware and Form

35
All sherds collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo were assigned to one of five basic ware categories: plain gray ware, corrugated gray ware, white ware, nonlocal wares, and unknown wares (no local red ware sherds were identified). Sherds were also assigned to one of four basic form categories: bowl, jar; other, and unknown. Total counts and percentages by count for these various ware-form combinations are presented in Table 9 for each temporal component; Table 10 presents these same data using weights as the measure of abundance. The percentages of various ware-form combinations are fairly consistent for both counts and weights, but differences are apparent. Corrugated jars and unknown white ware forms are slightly more abundant by count, whereas white ware bowls and jars, and other white ware forms, are slightly more abundant by weight. These data suggest that corrugated jar sherds and white ware sherds of unknown form tend to be smaller than average, whereas white ware bowl, jar, and other form sherds tend to be larger than average. I discuss this pattern further in the analysis of rim sherds, below (paragraphs 38–40).

36
These ware-form combinations are found in roughly the same proportions in other Pueblo III sites in southwestern Colorado that have been interpreted as permanent, year-round habitations (Pierce and Varien 1999*1). For example, at both Castle Rock (Ortman 2000*2:Table 2) and Woods Canyon pueblos, corrugated jar sherds are most common, followed by white ware bowl sherds, then white ware jar sherds. This suggests that the ware-form characteristics of the Woods Canyon sherd assemblage resulted from a set of domestic activities that produced sherds of various wares and forms at a relatively consistent rate across sites. This inference is supported by the fact that nonhabitation sites possess strikingly different proportions of these ware-form categories in their sherd assemblages. For example, the pottery assemblage from Woods Canyon Reservoir (Site 5MT12086) is dominated by sherds from white ware jars and contains few sherds from corrugated jars or white ware bowls (Wilshusen et al. 1997*1:Table 1). Obviously, the activities that occurred at the reservoir led to different patterns of sherd deposition than are typical of habitation sites, including Woods Canyon Pueblo.

37
Despite the general, qualitative similarity in ware-form characteristics of sherd assemblages from habitation sites, there are quantitative differences in these characteristics across sites (Pierce and Varien 1999*1), including the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon. The most notable difference appears to be an increase in the deposition of corrugated jar sherds during the late Pueblo III period, at the expense of white ware bowl sherds. Analysis of corrugated jar rims (paragraphs 53–62) suggests that corrugated jars tended to be larger during the late Pueblo III occupation; to the extent that larger vessels tend to produce more sherds, the adoption of larger corrugated jars with little or no concomitant change in use life may be responsible for increased deposition of corrugated jar sherds during the late Pueblo III period. Pottery and faunal assemblages from the Sand Canyon locality support the notion that communal meals were prepared and eaten in large villages more often than in contemporaneous smaller villages and hamlets (Driver 1996*1; Ortman 2000*2:par. 41–66). If so, it could be that increased corrugated jar sherd deposition in the late component at Woods Canyon is evidence of increased communal feasting associated with the development of the site as a community center.

Rim Sherds by Ware and Type

38
Rim sherds may provide a better indication of type frequencies among the vessels used during an occupation, because rim sherds usually preserve more diagnostic attributes of pottery types than do body sherds and therefore tend to be classified more precisely. Table 11 presents counts of rim sherds in the Woods Canyon Pueblo components by ware and type. The relative frequency of rim sherds assigned to each type is also shown as a percentage of all rim sherds by count. Table 12 presents these same data using weight as the measure of abundance. In these tables, the relative frequencies of specific, named types clearly are much higher among the rim sherds alone than in the sherd assemblage as a whole.

39
As was the case in the overall sherd assemblage, significant differences in the relative frequencies of different types by count and weight probably relate to the average sizes of the rim sherds assigned to each type. As an example, Mesa Verde Black-on-white is much more common by weight than by count, whereas Pueblo III White Painted and Indeterminate Local Corrugated Gray are more common by count than by weight. These patterns indicate that rim sherds assigned to specific traditional types tend to be larger than average, whereas rim sherds assigned to generic types tend to be smaller than average. The higher frequencies of specific types among the rim sherds indicate that rims were assigned to these specific types more often than body sherds were.

40
The distribution of formal types among rim sherds generally supports and amplifies the conclusions reached on the basis of all sherds. In both cases, differences between components in the representation of formal white ware types are more apparent by weight than by count. McElmo Black-on-white is most common in the early Pueblo III component, and Mesa Verde Black-on-white is most common in the late Pueblo III component. Also Mancos-Black-on-white is relatively less common among rim sherds than it is among all sherds. By weight, McElmo and Mesa Verde black-on-white are two to three times more prevalent than Mancos Black-on-white among all sherds (Table 6), but are four to five times more abundant among rim sherds only (Table 12). As was noted above for all sherds, both Mancos and Mesa Verde corrugated increase in frequency over time. Corrugated rim sherds are discussed more fully in the analysis of corrugated jar rims, below (paragraphs 53–62).

White Ware Rims by Type and Finish

41
Table 13 presents counts, and Table 14 shows weights in grams, of painted white ware rim sherds assigned to various type and finish categories for the early and late Pueblo III components. Both tables also present the percentage of sherds assigned to each type that are mineral painted, and the percentage of each type among all white wares, regardless of paint type.

42
The data in Table 14, especially, illustrate the role that mineral paint played in assigning white ware sherds to type. Mineral paint occurs on approximately 20 percent of the painted white ware sherds assigned to each component at Woods Canyon Pueblo. About 20 percent of the sherds classified as Pueblo III White Painted are also mineral painted, but mineral paint is over-represented among sherds assigned to the definite or possible Pueblo II types of Mancos Black-on-white, Pueblo II White Painted, and Late White Painted. In contrast, mineral paint is underrepresented among sherds assigned to the formal Pueblo III types of McElmo and Mesa Verde black-on-white. These data suggest that analysts tended to assign mineral-painted white ware rim sherds to earlier types, even though mineral-painted sherds overall occur in roughly the same frequencies in both components.

43
Further illustration of this analytical bias can be seen in Table 15, which cross-tabulates the results of a 1998 reanalysis of white ware bowl rim sherds from Woods Canyon Pueblo with the results of the original analysis of paint and pottery type. The data in this table show that only one-third of mineral-painted sherds originally classified as Mancos Black-on-white were reclassified as such in the reanalysis. The overall percentage of Mancos Black-on-white sherds was also reduced by one-half in the reanalysis results. These data suggest that the occurrence of Mancos Black-on-white sherds in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage is partly due to analytical bias (also see the definition of site components, paragraphs 9–23).

Rim Sherds by Ware and Form

44
Rim sherds often can be assigned to more specific form classes than can body sherds, and when it was apparent during analysis that a rim sherd came from a ladle, canteen, mug, or kiva/seed jar, this was recorded in a "comments" field. Ladle rims curve more tightly than bowl rims and possess either distinctive use wear on the outside edge of the rim or evidence of a handle attachment. Canteen rims are small jar rims with very tight curvature. Mug rims are square in cross section, are seldom everted, usually possess intricate painted decorations on their exteriors, and sometimes preserve evidence of a handle attachment near the rim. Finally, kiva jars and seed jars are slightly larger than canteens, do not have necks, and, in the case of kiva jars, have a distinctive lip that is designed to hold a lid in place.

45
Table 16 summarizes the wares and forms of rim sherds in the Woods Canyon components by count, and Table 17 presents these same data using weight as the measure of abundance. The more specific vessel forms of kiva jar, seed jar, ladle, and mug are tabulated here on the basis of information recorded in the comments field of the pottery data file. It was assumed that white ware jar rims for which no additional comments were recorded are from large storage jars, or ollas. As is the case in the overall assemblage, rim sherds show relatively little variation in relative abundance by count and weight when classified in terms of ware-form combinations. This suggests that sherd size does not significantly affect an analyst's ability to assign rim sherds to ware and form categories. Also, as was the case for the entire sherd assemblage, the three most common ware-form categories among the rim sherds are corrugated jars, white ware jars, and white ware bowls. The relative frequencies of these three forms, however, are strikingly different when rim sherds alone are considered. White ware bowls are by far the most common ware-form combination among rim sherds only, whereas corrugated jars are by far the most common among all sherds.

46
These differences relate to the typical circumferences of rims in the original vessels of these various ware-form combinations and to differences in the relative numbers of rim and body sherds produced by vessels of different sizes. White ware bowls are open forms with large rim circumferences; when they break, they produce numerous rim sherds and a relatively high ratio of rim to body sherds. Corrugated and white ware jars are taller, closed forms, usually with smaller rim circumferences, that produce far fewer rim sherds per vessel than do white ware bowls. As a result, the best way to estimate the relative number of vessels of different ware-form classes in a pottery assemblage is to compare the total degrees of arc subtended by the rim sherds of various ware-form classes.

47
Such data were considered by Pierce and Varien (1999*1) in their study of the Sand Canyon locality Site Testing Program assemblages. They found that raw counts of rim sherds, though less precise than degree-of-arc measurements, nevertheless gave a closer approximation of the relative numbers of vessel ware-form classes than did raw counts of all sherds. Judging from this finding, it appears that white ware bowls were the most common vessel form used at Woods Canyon, followed by corrugated jars and then white ware jars and white ware ladles. Canteens, mugs, and kiva/seed jars were all relatively rare.

48
As we saw in the data for all sherds, the primary difference in the relative frequency of vessel wares and forms between the early and late Pueblo III components is a higher percentage of corrugated jars in the late component and a corresponding decrease in the percentage of white ware bowls. This pattern is apparent for both counts and weights and suggests increased deposition of broken and worn-out corrugated jars during the late Pueblo III occupation. One way this could occur is through increased use of corrugated jars for cooking, which would have shortened the use life of the vessels and increased the deposition rate of corrugated jar sherds. The analysis of corrugated jar rims (paragraphs 53–62) also suggests that more large corrugated jars were used during the late Pueblo III occupation. Both patterns suggest an intensification of food preparation as Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center in the mid-1200s.

49
Studies of midden composition in Chaco Canyon have revealed that the trash mounds of great houses—the structures most analogous to community centers in the central Mesa Verde region—also contain relatively more corrugated jar sherds and fewer white ware bowl sherds than the middens of smaller residential sites. Chaco researchers have also interpreted this pattern as evidence of periodic communal gathering and feasting (Toll 2001*1:72).

Modified and Shaped Sherds

50
A number of sherds that had been modified or shaped after their parent vessels broke were collected during the Woods Canyon Pueblo excavations. Table 18 summarizes the pottery types to which such sherds were assigned in each component by count and weight and presents relative frequencies of different types by count and weight for the entire Woods Canyon assemblage. Modified sherds possess at least one abraded edge. Shaped sherds have edges that were flaked, ground, or both to make a specific shape. Some larger shaped sherds may have been used as containers (called "sherd containers" in Crow Canyon's analysis system) or as pottery-molding trays, also called pukis. Perforated sherds with shaped edges were classified as sherd pendants and are discussed in the section on objects of personal adornment, below (paragraphs 133–134). Sherds with shaped edges but lacking a perforation, such as disks, triangles, and rectangles, were classified as shaped sherds and are included here. These shaped sherds may have been pendant blanks, gaming pieces, or other nonutilitarian items.

51
Table 19 summarizes modified and shaped sherds by component and the ware-form combination of the parent vessel of each piece. This table shows that, relative to the overall sherd assemblage, modified corrugated sherds are underrepresented but tend to be larger than the other modified or shaped sherds. Corrugated sherds are not well suited for use as pottery scrapers because they have uneven surfaces, coarse paste, and large temper inclusions that make it difficult to create a smooth scraping surface. Several complete examples of corrugated sherd containers, however, have been found in excavations at Sand Canyon Pueblo (Site 5MT765). Most modified and shaped sherds are of white ware and probably represent portions of pottery scrapers, gaming pieces, or pendant blanks.

Pottery Vessels

52
Six whole, partial, or reconstructible vessels were collected from various contexts at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Four of these are white ware bowls, one is a white ware jar, and one is a sherd container made from a white ware vessel. All were produced locally. The type, form, condition, and metric data for each collected vessel are listed in Table 20, and the type, form, and context of each vessel are listed in Table 21. If the vessel was reconstructed and is not considered to be a funerary object, you can click on the vessel's photo number in Table 20 to see a photograph of it.

Analysis of Corrugated Jar Rims

53
Additional data were collected from a sample of corrugated jar rim sherds in an attempt to address several questions raised by the basic sherd data. Rim-arc analysis was conducted to determine whether the size distributions of cooking vessels changed as Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center during the late Pueblo III period. In addition, rim form measurements were collected to refine the typology and chronology of corrugated jar rims at the site. Results of these analyses are presented in the following paragraphs.

Rim-Arc Data

54
Figure 1 summarizes rim-radius estimates drawn from samples of corrugated jar rim sherds found at Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. Measurable sherds were placed on radial graph paper, and the curve that best approximated the circumference of each rim was recorded in 1-cm intervals. The degrees of arc encompassed by the rim along this curve was also recorded, to the nearest 5 degrees. The total degrees of arc assigned to each radius class was used as the measure of abundance, rather than the count or weight of sherds assigned to each radius class. This was done to compensate for the tendency of vessels with smaller rim diameters to break into fewer rim sherds that encompass more degrees of arc than do vessels with larger rim diameters (Pierce and Varien 1999*1). Finally, the horizontal distance from the outside edge of the rim to the inside edge of the orifice was measured with the sherd held in proper orientation, to estimate the size of the opening on the parent vessels of these sherds. These data are summarized in Figure 2.

55
Examination of the relationships between rim diameter, orifice (throat) diameter, and total volume of reconstructed corrugated jars from Sand Canyon Pueblo suggests that, in general, larger-volume vessels tend to have larger rim and orifice diameters (Ortman 2000*2:par. 46). On the basis of this finding and the data presented in Figures 1 and 2, it appears that more large-volume corrugated jars were used and discarded during the late Pueblo III period at Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo than during the early Pueblo III period at Woods Canyon. This pattern is also documented for the Sand Canyon locality, where rim-arc data suggest that more large-volume corrugated jars were used and discarded at Sand Canyon Pueblo, a large late Pueblo III village and community center, than at smaller villages and earlier hamlets in the locality (Ortman 2000*2:par. 57). Because household sizes do not appear to have increased over the course of the Pueblo III period, these data strengthen the argument that preparation and consumption of communal meals occurred in late Pueblo III community centers in the central Mesa Verde region (Driver 1996*1; Ortman 2000*2; Potter 2000*1).

Rim Form Measurement Data

56
Wilson and Blinman's (1999*1) assemblage-based ceramic chronology is based on three corrugated gray ware types: Mancos Corrugated, which was most common during the period A.D. 1025–1100; Dolores Corrugated, which was most common during the period A.D. 1100–1180; and Mesa Verde Corrugated, which was most common during the period A.D. 1225–1280. These three types are defined solely on the basis of rim eversion: Mancos Corrugated rims are everted less than 30 degrees, Dolores Corrugated rims are everted between 30 and 55 degrees, and Mesa Verde Corrugated rims are everted more than 55 degrees. In contrast, the system used by Crow Canyon analysts recognizes only two corrugated types: Mancos Corrugated, with rim eversion less than or equal to 30 degrees, and Mesa Verde Corrugated, with rim eversion greater than 30 degrees. Dolores Corrugated is, in effect, included in Mesa Verde Corrugated. This simplified system is used to minimize inter-observer variation in typing, since many different people analyze sherds from Crow Canyon's excavations. An unfortunate result of this convention, however, is that most corrugated rim sherds deposited during Pueblo III occupations are classified as a single type, Mesa Verde Corrugated, and are of little use in dating arguments.

57
Wilson and Blinman's classification is based on their observation that the degree of eversion of corrugated gray rims increased gradually over time. Given this continuous variation, an alternative method for assessing the chronological value of corrugated rim sherds is to measure the eversion angle directly. This was attempted on a sample of corrugated rim sherds from Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo. The method used is illustrated in Figure 3. With the sherd held in proper orientation, calipers were used to measure the horizontal distance from the interior inflection point to the lip of the rim, and the diagonal rim length between these same two points. These two measurements were used to define a right triangle, from which an estimate of the angle of eversion could be calculated. Both the proper orientation of the rim in the parent vessel and the interior inflection point were identifiable on each measured rim sherd.

58
Table 22 compares horizontal and diagonal rim measurements, as well as eversion estimates, for samples of corrugated rim sherds from the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket. The weights of all corrugated rim sherds from these three components are also provided. The components are listed in chronological order (see the earlier explanation of how site components were defined [paragraphs 9–23] and the discussion of components from other sites used in the analyses [paragraphs 24–25]). Contrary to expectations, there is little variation in the mean eversion-angle estimates across the three components. However, both the horizontal rim width and the diagonal rim length measurements do increase over time.

59
Figure 4 illustrates this pattern using box plots to represent distributions of the "flare"—that is, horizontal plus diagonal measurements—of sherds from these three components. In each plot, the shaded box represents the midspread (middle 50 percent) of cases for a component, the horizontal line inside each box represents the median of cases, the tails illustrate the range of values up to 1.5 box lengths from the edges of each box, and circles illustrate outlier values. The fact that median values of both rim measurements increase without a corresponding change in eversion angles indicates that the measurements change in proportion, such that their ratio remains constant. This consistent ratio is illustrated using box plots in Figure 5.

60
The pattern of increasing horizontal and diagonal rim measurements across the three components may be due partly to the fact that the later assemblages tend to have larger sherds (see Table 22). Because more-highly-flared rims need to be fairly large to be measurable, fewer of the highly flared rims would be measurable in assemblages with smaller sherds, resulting in a bias against highly flared rims in the earlier assemblages. A scatterplot illustrating the relationship between the "flare" and the weight of the measured rim sherds (Figure 6) illustrates the moderate positive relationship between these variables. However, the relatively low r2 value for these data indicates that there is still much variation that is not accounted for by sherd size.

61
Another factor that might be contributing to the pattern in these data is that larger vessels tend to have larger rims that might produce larger measurements somewhat independent of the degree of eversion of the rim. Since the rim-arc data suggest that the late Pueblo III assemblages contain more large corrugated vessels than does the early Pueblo III assemblage, one might expect sherds from these late assemblages to possess larger rim measurements overall. Figure 7 illustrates that there is indeed a slight positive relationship between vessel size, as estimated by rim-arc data, and the "flare" of corrugated vessels. Figure 8, however, shows that the pattern of increasing "flare" through time appears to hold even when vessel size is taken into account. This figure presents the same data as in Figure 4; however, in this case, rim sherds with rim-radius estimates of 9 cm or less are classified as being from "small" corrugated vessels, and rim sherds with rim-radius estimates greater than 9 cm are classified as being from "large" corrugated vessels. The figure shows that the "flare" of corrugated jar rims increases through time for both small and large corrugated vessels.

62
In summary, the data suggest that the rims of corrugated jars became increasingly flared over the course of the Pueblo III period, but it appears that the eversion angle estimates do not capture this change as well as the measurements themselves. The most likely reason that the eversion angle estimates do not capture the pattern noted by other researchers is that a right triangle based on the measurement points illustrated in Figure 3 does not adequately represent the shape of the rim as perceived by analysts who estimate rim eversion visually. Most highly everted corrugated jar rims are actually out-curved rather than bent at a sharp angle. I suspect that most analysts assess rim eversion using the angle of the rim at its tip, and that on most curved rims the angle of eversion at the tip is much greater than the angle between the tip and the interior inflection point estimated for this pilot study. Nevertheless, the rim measurements taken do show a chronological trend in the sampled components and suggest that a more objective method for classifying corrugated jars rims could be developed through further research.

Analysis of White Ware Bowl Rims

63
Additional data were collected from a sample of rim sherds from white ware bowls from the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo and from the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket. These data were used to examine whether different kinds of meals came to be served to different social groups as Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center during the late Pueblo III period. For background and arguments related to functional analysis of vessels from Pueblo III sites in the Mesa Verde region, see Ortman (2000*2:par. 41–66). Rim-arc data were collected to assess whether the size distributions of serving vessels changed as Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center. In addition, the relationship between exterior painted decoration and vessel size was examined to determine whether serving bowls of different sizes were used for different purposes. The results of these analyses are presented in the following paragraphs.

Rim-Arc Data

64
Figure 9 presents the rim-arc analysis results. For this analysis, rim sherds were assigned to 3-cm radius intervals using simplified radial graph paper, such that Radius Interval 9 encompasses radii that were 6 to 9 cm, Interval 12 encompasses radii that were 9 to 12 cm, and so on. The degrees of arc encompassed by the sherd was also estimated to the nearest five degrees, using the upper boundary of the interval as a guide. The total degrees of arc assigned to each radius interval is used as the measure of abundance, rather than the count or weight of sherds assigned to each radius interval. This approach compensates for the tendency of smaller-diameter vessels to break into fewer rim sherds that encompass more degrees of arc than do larger-diameter vessels (Pierce and Varien 1999*1).

65
Analyses of rim-arc data from the Sand Canyon locality suggest that more large bowls, and bowls of two distinct sizes, were used and discarded in late Pueblo III community centers, compared with earlier and contemporaneous small sites (Ortman 2000*2:par. 53–54). These changes in the distributions of bowl sizes probably reflect differences in the kinds of meals served in late Pueblo III community centers, compared with other sites. The rim-arc data from Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket pueblos (Figure 9) duplicate the Sand Canyon locality results. Within Woods Canyon Pueblo, the early Pueblo III distribution has a single mode, whereas the late Pueblo III distribution possesses two modes at the 9- and 15-cm intervals. The assemblage from the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket also appears to possess a less well defined bimodal distribution, and both late Pueblo III assemblages contain more large vessels than does the early Pueblo III assemblage. These results suggest that the same food presentation and consumption patterns occurred in at least four community centers (Castle Rock, Sand Canyon, Woods Canyon, and Yellow Jacket pueblos) spread across the central Mesa Verde region.

Vessel Size vs. Exterior Decoration

66
Ortman (2000*2:par. 59–61) argued that the sizes of white ware bowls in Sand Canyon locality sites reflected food-presentation and consumption practices associated with the formation of Pueblo III villages. These practices were argued to have affected the characteristic ways that serving vessels were viewed, leading to changes in the way they were decorated. Data on the size and decoration of rim sherds from white ware bowls at Woods Canyon Pueblo support and amplify these conclusions and suggest that the social changes inferred for the Sand Canyon locality also occurred in the Woods Canyon community.

67
During the early Pueblo III period, Woods Canyon Pueblo was a settlement of several households, and the center of the Woods Canyon community was probably at the Bass Site Complex (Site 5MT136), Site 5MT4700, or the Albert Porter Preserve (Site 5MT123), all three of which are located on the mesa top within a 2-km radius of Woods Canyon Pueblo (Database Map 337) (Lipe and Ortman 2000*1). As Woods Canyon grew into a community center during the thirteenth century, it is probable that an increasing number of meals were consumed in contexts that exposed bowl exteriors to view by more-distant social relations. In historic and modern Pueblo villages, plazas are settings for community events including dances, ceremonies, feasts, and the redistribution of food. An informal plaza probably was created inside the enclosing walls of the rim complex at Woods Canyon, which suggests that analogous events might have taken place in this village as well. If so, prepared food would have been carried into the plaza by participants in the event, giving spectators an opportunity to view vessels from the side. Thus, bowl exteriors likely were viewed much more often during the late Pueblo III occupation of Woods Canyon than during the early Pueblo III occupation.

68
Ancient Pueblo pottery vessels tended to be decorated most intensively on areas that had relatively high contextual visibility (see Carr 1995*1:185–215; Ortman 2000*2:par. 60). Given this correlation between contextual visibility and intensity of decoration, we might expect the exterior surfaces of white ware bowls to have been decorated more intensively during the late Pueblo III occupation of Woods Canyon Pueblo, when the site was a large village and community center. This pattern has been documented for late Pueblo III community centers in the Sand Canyon locality (Ortman 2000*2:par. 60–61), and data presented in Table 23 (see also Ortman et al. 2000*1:Table 2) show that it occurred at Woods Canyon Pueblo as well.

69
On the basis of the relative volumes of large and small serving bowls from Sand Canyon Pueblo, Ortman (2000*2:par. 47–48) argued that small bowls were most likely used for individual servings, and large bowls for serving food to a household or larger group. If this were the case, and if increased decoration of bowl exteriors was due to increased public food presentation at communal feasts, we could expect larger bowls to have been used more often for such presentations. If so, large serving bowls would have been viewed from the side more often than small bowls, and thus we might expect large bowls to have been decorated more intensively on their exteriors. Figure 10 demonstrates that larger serving bowls were indeed decorated on their exteriors more often than smaller bowls at Woods Canyon Pueblo. These data support a model of increasing presentation of food in public spaces—presumably for consumption in communal feasts—in late Pueblo III community centers in the central Mesa Verde region.

Pottery Production and Exchange

70
This section summarizes direct and indirect evidence of pottery production at Woods Canyon Pueblo and examines the nature of the local pottery exchange networks in which the residents of Woods Canyon Pueblo participated. Evidence of long-distance pottery exchange is presented in the discussion of objects of nonlocal materials (paragraphs 129–132).

Direct Evidence of Pottery Making

71
Direct evidence of pottery production in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage includes manufacturing tools (polishing stones), raw materials (potting clay and temper), sherds from unfired vessels, and miscellaneous fired clay objects. Another potential form of direct evidence of pottery manufacture is pottery scrapers made from sherds. Although pottery scrapers have been collected from other sites in southwestern Colorado (e.g., Wilson 1988*2:Table A.6), none were identified specifically in the Woods Canyon modified sherd assemblage. The direct evidence of pottery production from Woods Canyon Pueblo is listed in Table 24.

72
Polishing stones are small, very smooth, and very hard stones or pebbles that exhibit evidence of abrasive wear. The polishing stones from Woods Canyon were made of high-quality, fine-grained stone, including cherts, quartzites, slate/shale, and agate/chalcedony. Even if some of these stones were found locally, many were rare and required some effort to procure. Traces of clay were found adhering to the surfaces of one such stone (PD 386, FS 9), indicating that at least one of these stones was used for polishing the surfaces of white ware vessels. It is unknown whether polishing stones had additional uses.

73
The strongest direct evidence of pottery making consists of sherds from vessels that had not yet been fired when the site was abandoned. Unfired sherds were found only in Nonstructure 2.1-N at Woods Canyon Pueblo. All of these sherds contain sherd temper and therefore are probably from white ware vessels (see the discussion of white ware temper, paragraphs 82–83). No unfired sherds from corrugated gray ware vessels were identified. Clays suitable for use in pottery making were also found in several locations at Woods Canyon Pueblo. One of these samples is of raw, untempered clay, but other samples consist of prepared pastes with sherd, sand, and crushed sandstone tempers typically found in white ware sherds at the site. Moistening the samples also revealed that one sample (PD 334, FS 11) appears to be slip clay, probably from the local Morrison Formation. No samples of potting clay were recognized as containing the coarse temper characteristic of corrugated gray ware pastes.

74
A sample of igneous rock (PD 469, FS 5) may offer a third line of evidence for pottery manufacture at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Since the closest major source of this material is Sleeping Ute Mountain, approximately 15 km to the south, this rock must have been carried to the site. No chipped-, ground-, or pecked-stone tools in the Woods Canyon collection were made of igneous rock, but this material was identified as temper in white and corrugated gray ware sherds found at the site. It is therefore reasonable to consider this igneous rock sample as unground pottery temper. Since igneous rock is a much more common tempering agent in corrugated gray wares than in white wares at Woods Canyon, this sample may be the only direct evidence of corrugated gray ware manufacture recovered from the excavations.

75
In addition to polishing stones, unfired sherds, potting clays, and temper samples, a small number of unusual fired clay objects that might or might not have been parts of pottery vessels were found in a variety of contexts at Woods Canyon. Because these objects are fired, have no obvious function, and were unlikely to have been traded, they are presumed to be by-products of pottery manufacture.

76
The amount and distribution of these various forms of direct evidence of pottery making can be used to assess the nature of pottery production at Woods Canyon. If pottery making was an unspecialized, household-level industry, then raw materials and tools associated with it should occur occasionally throughout the site. On the other hand, if pottery production was specialized, such that relatively few people made most of the pottery used in the village, then direct evidence should be relatively abundant in a few locations and absent in most others.

77
The evidence from Woods Canyon is tabulated by study unit in Table 25 and suggests that production of white ware pottery was unspecialized. Direct evidence of white ware manufacture is not especially abundant in any single location, but is widely distributed at the site, despite the fact that most structures and features were subjected to only limited testing. Because the excavations were limited, it is possible that concentrations of direct evidence remain to be found in areas that were not excavated. Nevertheless, the fact that direct evidence was found in so many of the tested structures suggests that white ware production was a household-based, part-time activity. This pattern has been noted at numerous other sites in southwestern Colorado (Errickson 1993*1; Ortman 2000*2:par. 69; Wilson 1988*2, 1991*1).

78
In contrast, little direct evidence of corrugated gray ware production was found. This may be attributed at least in part to the fact that polishing stones are not used in gray ware manufacture. Nevertheless, no unfired corrugated sherds or coarse-tempered raw clay samples were identified in the Woods Canyon Pueblo collection, leaving open the possibility that corrugated gray ware production was organized quite differently from white ware production.

Indirect Evidence of Pottery Making

79
Available indirect evidence of pottery production and exchange consists of temper data from white and gray ware sherds. In this section, temper data from Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo are used to examine the nature of local pottery exchange. This analysis builds on previous studies of local pottery exchange in the Sand Canyon locality (Glowacki 1995*1; Glowacki et al. 1995*1, 1998*1; Thurs et al. 1996*1) and other areas in southwestern Colorado using instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) data (Glowacki et al. 1997*1) as well as temper data (Blinman 1986*2; Blinman and Wilson 1988*3, 1992*1, 1993*1; Ortman 2000*2:par. 78–83). The studies have identified distinct white ware manufacturing tracts and have documented modest levels of vessel movement between sites. Evidence for long-distance, interregional pottery exchange is presented in the discussion of objects made of nonlocal materials (paragraphs 129–132).

80
Most of the tempers identified in the examined sherds were readily available to potters at both sites. However, it is likely that igneous rock was not locally available at Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket pueblos. Igneous rock originates in the intrusive volcanic mountains of the Four Corners area, including Sleeping Ute Mountain and the San Juan Mountains in Colorado, the Abajo Mountains in Utah, and the Carrizo and Chuska mountains in Arizona and New Mexico. Weathered igneous cobbles suitable for use as pottery temper can be found on terraces along the watercourses that drain these mountains. The closest known source of igneous rock to Woods Canyon Pueblo is Ute Mountain, located approximately 15 km south of the site, and the closest known source to Yellow Jacket Pueblo is the Dolores River valley, approximately 10 km northeast of the site.

81
Cross-cultural data compiled by Arnold (1985*1:51–56) suggest that potters in small-scale societies tend to travel no more than 6 to 9 km to obtain temper for pottery making. Both Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket pueblos are more than 9 km from the closest major source of igneous rock for each site. This suggests that at least some of the igneous-tempered sherds from these two sites are from vessels that were made at sites closer to igneous rock sources. However, the fact that a sample of igneous rock was recovered from Woods Canyon Pueblo leaves open the possibility that this material was acquired for use as pottery temper through exchange or special collection trips to the sources.

White Ware Temper Data

82
Table 26 presents temper data for a sample of white ware bowl rims from the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo and from the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket. These sherds were examined using a binocular microscope, and each was classified on the basis of the most abundant type of nonplastic inclusion mixed with the clay during paste preparation. The four temper categories identified were crushed sandstone, quartz sand, crushed igneous rock, and crushed sherd. The results of analysis are tabulated by count and by the proportion of each category within the sample from each component.

83
These data indicate that most white ware vessels from these sites were tempered with crushed potsherds or crushed sandstone. Very few were tempered with sand or igneous rock. The rarity of igneous-tempered white wares is consistent with the location of these sites far from igneous rock sources. Igneous temper is much more common in white ware vessels deposited at sites located close to sources of this material. For example, approximately 30 percent of the white ware vessels at Castle Rock Pueblo, which is located adjacent to Ute Mountain, had igneous rock temper (Ortman 2000*2:Table 21).

Corrugated Gray Ware Temper Data

84
Table 27 presents temper data for a sample of corrugated gray ware rims from the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket. These sherds were examined using a binocular microscope, and each was classified on the basis of the most abundant type of nonplastic inclusion mixed with the clay during paste preparation. The results are tabulated by count and by the proportion of each category within the sample from each component.

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A number of distinct tempers—crushed sandstone, quartz sand, and igneous rock—were identified in the corrugated sherds. These same tempers are also present in white ware sherds, although in finer particle sizes. Additional tempers observed in the corrugated sherds were derived from some form of weathered or decomposed sedimentary or metamorphic rock. Multilithic sands are usually coarse, weathered, subangular grains of various colors and rock types. They may derive from weathered conglomerate sandstone. Weathered metamorphic temper appears to be crushed or cracked chunks of rock described as having granular morphology, uniform texture, and fluid colors. They probably derived from weathered chunks of metamorphosed or silicified sandstone. This poorly understood material appears to have been the primary tempering agent used by the inhabitants of Woods Canyon Pueblo in making corrugated gray ware pottery.

Comparison of White Ware and Corrugated Gray Ware Tempers

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There are many differences in the tempers used in white ware and corrugated gray ware vessels. Sherd, the most common temper in white ware vessels, is completely absent in the corrugated gray ware samples. There is also a wider variety of sedimentary tempers used in corrugated vessels than in white ware vessels. Finally, igneous temper is much more common in corrugated gray ware vessels than in white ware vessels in each component. These differences in temper use between corrugated gray and white ware vessels are probably related to differences in the ways these vessels were used. Corrugated gray ware vessels were cooking pots that were routinely subjected to thermal stress by being placed over open fires, which created marked temperature variation along the vessel walls and between the interior and exterior surfaces (Pierce 1998*1). Tempering agents that resisted thermal expansion counteracted the tendency of fired clay to expand when heated and helped corrugated vessels withstand thermal stress without cracking or breaking (West 1992*1). In addition, the larger temper particles in cooking pots help diffuse microfractures that develop during use, thus increasing the use life of the vessel (Varien 1999*1:Chp. 4).

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White ware vessels, in contrast, were used for serving and storage and were not exposed to significant thermal stress after firing. As a result, temper in white ware pastes functioned primarily to keep unfired vessels from cracking as they dried. Presumably, sherd temper could be used in white ware vessels, even though this would result in an effectively "untempered" finished fabric, because temper was not necessary for the typical uses of finished white ware vessels.

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In a recent study, Hensler (1999*1:676–682) compared the thermal-stress resistance of corrugated gray ware sherds tempered with sand and trachyte—the latter a type of igneous rock found in the Chuska Mountains of New Mexico and Arizona. She found that trachyte-tempered sherds appeared to possess greater thermal-stress resistance than did sand-tempered sherds, and she attributed this difference to the performance characteristics of trachyte temper. These characteristics may also apply to the local igneous tempers used in the central Mesa Verde region. If so, it is likely that cooking pots tempered with igneous rock functioned better than cooking pots tempered with sedimentary rock.

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Ortman (2000*2:par. 77–83) examined the distribution of igneous-tempered white ware vessels at late Pueblo III sites across southwestern Colorado, including Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket, and found that this distribution supported a model of unstructured, down-the-line exchange, probably taking the form of gift exchange between friends and relatives living in nearby settlements. This interpretation was based partly on the assumption that there would be no functional advantage to using igneous temper in white ware vessels. There are insufficient data to determine whether corrugated vessels diffused over the social landscape in the same way. However, the higher frequency of igneous-tempered corrugated sherds than white ware sherds across the sampled components suggests that igneous-tempered corrugated vessels were used more widely than igneous-tempered white ware vessels. Whether such vessels were exchanged more widely over the social landscape or were manufactured more widely cannot be determined from the available data.

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Regardless of the cause, it is likely that the more widespread distribution of igneous-tempered corrugated sherds at a given distance from igneous rock sources is due to the fact that igneous-tempered cooking pots worked better than cooking pots tempered with other materials, including the sedimentary and metamorphic tempers found in most of the corrugated sherds examined from Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket. If the value of igneous-tempered cooking pots was recognized, residents probably would have tried either to make such vessels using imported igneous temper or to obtain finished vessels through trade. This model also raises the possibility that corrugated gray ware vessels were produced specifically for exchange in communities located close to igneous rock sources.


1The "finish" field in the Crow Canyon pottery database is used to record paint type on white ware sherds and the presence or absence of slip on red ware sherds. Thus, when discussing white ware sherds, "finish" refers to paint type.

Next (paragraphs 91–160).

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